2018年9月6日 Bloomberg


トランプ氏に政権内部から抵抗−高官がNYT紙に匿名で論説投稿

論説の著者は自身がキャリア官僚でなく政治任用官だとしている
トランプ氏は著者を「臆病者」と批判−報道官は著者の辞任を要求

トランプ米大統領は政権内部からの組織的な抵抗に遭っている。ニューヨーク・タイムズに5日掲載された匿名の書き手による論説から明らかになった。抵抗する複数の人物は「トランプ氏のアジェンダの一部および最悪の性向を妨害する」ことを望んでいるという。

トランプ政権の高官だとされる論説の著者は、自身と他の政府当局者が「大統領が職を退くまで、彼のさらなる間違った方向への衝動」を阻止することを誓ったと説明。「問題の根源は大統領の超道徳性にある。意思決定において認識可能な基本原則に大統領がとらわれないことは、彼と仕事をする誰もが知っている」と記した。

閣僚の間で、合衆国憲法修正25条の発動が話題に出たとしている。

合衆国憲法 修正25条

第4節 副大統領および行政各部の長官の過半数または連邦議会が法律で定める他の機関の長の過半数が、上院の臨時議長および下院議長に対し、大統領がその職務上の権限と義務を遂行することができないという文書による申し立てを送付する時には、副大統領は直ちに大統領代理として、大統領職の権限と義務を遂行するものとする。

ニューヨーク・タイムズは論説への補足で、同紙は著者が誰であるか知っているとした上で「われわれの読者に重要な視点を提供する唯一の方法は匿名で掲載することだった」と説明。性別不詳の著者は自身をキャリア官僚ではなく政治任用官だとしている。トランプ大統領の支持者の一部は以前からキャリア官僚について、大統領の弱体化を狙う「ディープ・ステート(政権の裏側に潜む闇の政府、伏魔殿)」と呼んで嘲笑してきた。

トランプ氏は5日のホワイトハウスでのイベントで、この論説は「侮辱」するものであり、著者は「臆病者」だと批判。書いたとされる高官は「恐らくあらゆる不純な動機からここにいるのだろう」と述べた上で、自分は2020年に再選されると宣言した。

また大統領は5日遅い時間、ツイッターに「裏切り?」と投稿した。

TREASON?

Does the so-called “Senior Administration Official” really exist, or is it just the Failing New York Times with another phony source?
If the GUTLESS anonymous person does indeed exist, the Times must, for National Security purposes, turn him/her over to government at once!

Are the investigative “journalists” of the New York Times going to investigate themselves - who is the anonymous letter writer?

 

ホワイトハウスのサンダース大統領報道官は発表資料で、論説の著者は辞任すべきだと主張。「この記事の匿名の著者は正式に選ばれた米国の大統領を支えるのではなく、欺くことを選んだ」とした上で、「彼は米国を第一に考えず、米国民の意思よりも自身と自分のエゴを優先させている。この臆病者は正しいことを行い、職を辞するべきだ」としている。

前日には著名ジャーナリスト、ボブ・ウッドワード氏の新著(Fear: Trump in the White House) の抜粋が報道され、ホワイトハウスの上級スタッフの混乱ぶりや、トランプ大統領のリーダーシップおよび能力を軽視する高官らのコメントが暴露されていた。

大統領のツイッター:

The Woodward book is a scam. I don’t talk the way I am quoted. If I did I would not have been elected President. These quotes were made up. The author uses every trick in the book to demean and belittle. I wish the people could see the real facts - and our country is doing GREAT!

“It is mostly anonymous sources in here, why should anyone trust you? General Mattis, General Kelly said it’s not true.”
 Bob Woodward is a liar who is like a Dem operative prior to the Midterms. He was caught cold, even by NBC.


論説の匿名の著者は、「われわれの組織はよく知られる左翼の『レジスタンス』ではない」とし、規制緩和や税制改革、国防費増額といったトランプ政権の功績を挙げた上で、「しかし、こうした功績は、衝動的かつ敵対的で狭量な上に効果のない大統領のリーダーシップのスタイルにもかかわらず成し遂げられた。こうしたリーダーシップの故に成し遂げられたわけではない」と論じた。

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「私はトランプ政権内の抵抗の一員だ」と題された寄稿でこの筆者は、「私は大統領のために働いているが、同じ考えの同僚たちと共に、大統領の政策目標の一部や、特にひどい性向を阻止すると誓っている。なぜ私が知っているかというと、私もその1人だからだ」と書いた。

筆者はさらに、自分はリベラルの工作員ではなく、政権が追求する政策目標の多くに賛同しているが、実現しているものは大統領のおかげではなく、大統領がいるにもかかわらず形になっているのだと書いている。

論説によると、トランプ氏は衝動的で気まぐれで非道徳的。米国のためにその「見当違いの衝動」は抑制しなくてはならないのだと、論説は主張する。

「この混沌とした時代に、大した慰めにはならないかもしれないが、現場には大人たちが同席しているのだと米国民は知っておくといい。何が起きているのか、我々は十分承知している。そしてたとえドナルド・トランプが正しいことをやろうとしなくても、我々がそうしようとしている」と筆者は書いている。

関与を否定した高官:

 

 


Sept. 5, 2018   New York Times OpーEd 

The Times today is taking the rare step of publishing an anonymous Op-Ed essay. We have done so at the request of the author, a senior official in the Trump administration whose identity is known to us and whose job would be jeopardized by its disclosure. We believe publishing this essay anonymously is the only way to deliver an important perspective to our readers. We invite you to submit a question about the essay or our vetting process here.

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I Am Part of the Resistance Inside the Trump Administration
I work for the president but like-minded colleagues and I have vowed to thwart parts of his agenda and his worst inclinations.

President Trump is facing a test to his presidency unlike any faced by a modern American leader.

It’s not just that the special counsel looms large. Or that the country is bitterly divided over Mr. Trump’s leadership. Or even that his party might well lose the House to an opposition hellbent on his downfall.

The dilemma — which he does not fully grasp — is that many of the senior officials in his own administration are working diligently from within to frustrate parts of his agenda and his worst inclinations.

I would know. I am one of them.

To be clear, ours is not the popular “resistance” of the left. We want the administration to succeed and think that many of its policies have already made America safer and more prosperous.

But we believe our first duty is to this country, and the president continues to act in a manner that is detrimental to the health of our republic.

That is why many Trump appointees have vowed to do what we can to preserve our democratic institutions while thwarting Mr. Trump’s more misguided impulses until he is out of office.

The root of the problem is the president’s amorality. Anyone who works with him knows he is not moored to any discernible first principles that guide his decision making.

Although he was elected as a Republican, the president shows little affinity for ideals long espoused by conservatives: free minds, free markets and free people. At best, he has invoked these ideals in scripted settings. At worst, he has attacked them outright.

In addition to his mass-marketing of the notion that the press is the “enemy of the people,” President Trump’s impulses are generally anti-trade and anti-democratic.

Don’t get me wrong. There are bright spots that the near-ceaseless negative coverage of the administration fails to capture: effective deregulation, historic tax reform, a more robust military and more.

But these successes have come despite — not because of — the president’s leadership style, which is impetuous, adversarial, petty and ineffective.

From the White House to executive branch departments and agencies, senior officials will privately admit their daily disbelief at the commander in chief’s comments and actions. Most are working to insulate their operations from his whims.

Meetings with him veer off topic and off the rails, he engages in repetitive rants, and his impulsiveness results in half-baked, ill-informed and occasionally reckless decisions that have to be walked back.

“There is literally no telling whether he might change his mind from one minute to the next,” a top official complained to me recently, exasperated by an Oval Office meeting at which the president flip-flopped on a major policy decision he’d made only a week earlier.

The erratic behavior would be more concerning if it weren’t for unsung heroes in and around the White House. Some of his aides have been cast as villains by the media. But in private, they have gone to great lengths to keep bad decisions contained to the West Wing, though they are clearly not always successful.

It may be cold comfort in this chaotic era, but Americans should know that there are adults in the room. We fully recognize what is happening. And we are trying to do what’s right even when Donald Trump won’t.

The result is a two-track presidency.

Take foreign policy: In public and in private, President Trump shows a preference for autocrats and dictators, such as President Vladimir Putin of Russia and North Korea’s leader, Kim Jong-un, and displays little genuine appreciation for the ties that bind us to allied, like-minded nations.

Astute observers have noted, though, that the rest of the administration is operating on another track, one where countries like Russia are called out for meddling and punished accordingly, and where allies around the world are engaged as peers rather than ridiculed as rivals.

On Russia, for instance, the president was reluctant to expel so many of Mr. Putin’s spies as punishment for the poisoning of a former Russian spy in Britain. He complained for weeks about senior staff members letting him get boxed into further confrontation with Russia, and he expressed frustration that the United States continued to impose sanctions on the country for its malign behavior. But his national security team knew better — such actions had to be taken, to hold Moscow accountable.

This isn’t the work of the so-called deep state. It’s the work of the steady state.

Given the instability many witnessed, there were early whispers within the cabinet of invoking the 25th Amendment, which would start a complex process for removing the president. But no one wanted to precipitate a constitutional crisis. So we will do what we can to steer the administration in the right direction until — one way or another — it’s over.

合衆国憲法 修正25条

第4節 副大統領および行政各部の長官の過半数または連邦議会が法律で定める他の機関の長の過半数が、上院の臨時議長および下院議長に対し、大統領がその職務上の権限と義務を遂行することができないという文書による申し立てを送付する時には、副大統領は直ちに大統領代理として、大統領職の権限と義務を遂行するものとする。

The bigger concern is not what Mr. Trump has done to the presidency but rather what we as a nation have allowed him to do to us. We have sunk low with him and allowed our discourse to be stripped of civility.

Senator John McCain put it best in his farewell letter. All Americans should heed his words and break free of the tribalism trap, with the high aim of uniting through our shared values and love of this great nation.

Senator John McCain'sfarewell letter

Ten years ago, I had the privilege to concede defeat in the election for president. I want to end my farewell to you with the heartfelt faith in Americans that I felt so powerfully that evening.

I feel it powerfully still.
 
Do not despair of our present difficulties but believe always in the promise and greatness of America, because nothing is inevitable here. Americans never quit. We never surrender. We never hide from history. We make history.
 
Farewell, fellow Americans. God bless you, and God bless America.

 

We may no longer have Senator McCain. But we will always have his example — a lodestar for restoring honor to public life and our national dialogue. Mr. Trump may fear such honorable men, but we should revere them.

There is a quiet resistance within the administration of people choosing to put country first. But the real difference will be made by everyday citizens rising above politics, reaching across the aisle and resolving to shed the labels in favor of a single one: Americans.

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The writer is a senior official in the Trump administration.